Where should Hongkongers go?
Updated: 2013-09-19 07:38
By Thomas Yeung(HK Edition)
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Recently, US President Barack Obama made a palatable speech that impressed the crowds so much they calmed down in the wake of the verdict in the fatal shooting case of black teenager Trayvon Martin. While some critics questioned whether the speech would exacerbate existing racial tensions, it seemed that Obama won new-found respect and affection from millions of Americans as his expansive remarks were regarded as "a significant step forward" after the shooting of Martin and the trial of George Zimmerman in Florida.
It is beyond doubt that Obama uses his exceptional bully pulpit to convince the public that something else can be done for the betterment of society. It is exceptionally important in that racial conflicts will further intensify when more and more Americans are being drawn into cold conflict. Just as Thomas Jefferson said, it is the multitude that possesses force, and wisdom must yield to that.
As a civil society of uneasiness, Hong Kong seems to be filled with contradictions and inconsistencies. The contradictions can be depicted in a social climate in which democratic peace and violence for democracy co-exist. It deserves public attention especially when some "narrow interest" group or parties, who act in a violent manner, are unlikely to be a part of a "ruling coalition" in any era, regardless of whether universal suffrage can be enacted. A chaotic and pessimistic Hong Kong seems to be the best scenario to them, from the political interest perspective.
The inconsistencies can be illustrated in the upward mobility system where many younger-generation people only get half the results with twice the efforts. It deserves much attention as the "helplessness" of the majority increases with the growing local economy. Perhaps to some young adults, the existing control mechanism and some cross-border issues are offenses to their personal feelings and reasoning. Our Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying is urgently needed to unite different interest groups and redefine the general interests in the quest for a happier and more righteous society.
Charles Dickens wrote: "It was the best of times, it was the worst of times". While this appears to be the hardest time of the Leung administration, it provides significant opportunities for strengthening his leadership. External pressure sometimes produces internal unity. The significant warning signs of the potential dangers from "Occupy Central" have aroused the feelings of "insecurity" of both privileged minorities and the majority. What Leung needs to do is leverage the conflicts among social classes (or even sub-classes) and turn them into opportunities.
Hope usually fades as despair comes near, and vice versa. In my opinion, the best way to cultivate strong leadership is to create hope and remove uncertainty. Being a scholar in Decision Sciences and a chairman of a youth cultural society, I would highlight learning opportunities for young adults through mainland and overseas distance-learning networks. Equally important, as a multitude of local citizens are living in Guangdong, shouldn't it be natural for patriotic social leaders to extend the friendship to Guangdong Hongkongers' circles?
It seems that Hong Kong is oscillating between hope and fear, as local people - especially the young generation - lack a positive view of their own futures and the city's. To buy popularity and time, Leung should courageously confront the mounting concerns over poverty and the city's sustainable development, and issue a careful yet expansive statement urging for changes in welfare policies and economic structure.
While Detroit's recent bankruptcy woe may make many hesitate to say welfarism out loud, it might be unrealistic to expect welfarism will be reduced when universal suffrage is enacted. In my opinion, Leung's government should increase social welfare, and help the city develop soft-power resources (including cultural and high-tech talents, and associated facilities) to meet the national need in the next 20 years.
Perhaps it is hard to identify in which direction the wind is blowing, but I strongly agree with what Jefferson said - it is the multitude which possesses force, and wisdom must yield to that. Definitely, the middle and lower economic classes outnumber the upper economic class by an enormous number, and it is "inescapable" for our Hong Kong leader and his fellows to proactively interact with the general public through public forums and activities.
Every beginning is difficult, but we must go through and step forward in a measured, carefully thought-out, and forward-looking way. What Leung might need to do is to review his overarching policy framework, make operative the concepts, assign tasks to the right people, and identify the possible risks and difficulties involved. In coming months, Leung may fight a battle on two fronts: First, what achievements can be made and what proposed measures can be introduced in the forthcoming policy address? Second, how to better "operationalize" some political concepts in a wiser and legally enforceable way in the forthcoming universal suffrage proposal?
The author is the chief convener of Protect Central Campaign.
(HK Edition 09/19/2013 page5)