www射-国产免费一级-欧美福利-亚洲成人福利-成人一区在线观看-亚州成人

Hong Kong's opposition camp: time to step back?

Updated: 2014-09-26 08:20

By Tim Collard(HK Edition)

  Print Mail Large Medium  Small 分享按鈕 0

There is a French phrase - "reculer pour mieux sauter". It means to take a step back to ready oneself for a further jump forward. Although there has been something of a gap in the confrontation building throughout the summer over the arrangements for the 2017 Chief Executive election, the issue of student boycotts and the continuing threat of "Occupy Central" activities make it clear that the issues are not going to be quietly forgotten as the central government and the Hong Kong establishment would no doubt wish.

However, when one has something to say, there are more and less effective ways of saying it.

It has become uncomfortably clear the forces of opposition to the central government's plans were wrong-footed in the summer: The issue of the white paper provoked a rapid build-up of anger on the streets which had largely run out of steam by the time the actual announcement emerged at the end of August, leaving the prospects for the "Occupy Central" campaign less promising than they looked in July.

In this, the central government showed a good grasp of tactics, luring the opposition into a failure of timing. The current situation is that the government has a clear position, which has attracted acceptance among moderate Hongkongers, while the opposition is in some disarray regarding both methods and objectives.

A successful campaign to reject proposals of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) risks a simple reversion to the 2012 election process, and a further five-year delay in the implementation of universal suffrage.

A display of intransigence, for example by maintaining the confrontational approach of boycotts and occupation, is partly explained by the wish to save face by not being seen to back down; it also suggests a lack of capacity to respond to changed circumstances, the absence of a plan B.

The plan B will not emerge immediately - it will take some thought. This means a break from open confrontation. A boycott of classes need not cause much trouble or provoke too much in the way of a reaction: Any attempt at implementing the full "Occupy Central" plan must ensure it isn't counter-productive and doesn't lead activists to cling intractably to ultimately indefensible positions.

It is never good to pursue tactics for which one's opponents are well prepared. This will enable the opponent to seize control of the battleground.

If "Occupy Central" is still the preferred modus operandi, it should be conducted so as to avoid being sufficiently disruptive to invite a crushing, pre-planned response. Ill-thought-out actions damage both the movement itself and the levels of sympathy it attracts.

However, these are questions of tactics; and tactics ought always to be subordinate to strategy. What is the opposition trying to achieve? It should now be clear that the available options are the proposed procedure under universal suffrage and the previous procedure without it. The former is surely preferable, even though it may be imperfect: What system isn't? The aim of the "pan-democrat" camp should therefore be to extend democratic freedom and popular influence as far as it can within the existing parameters. Yes, candidates for the position of Chief Executive will have to have Beijing's approval to stand for election - but they will also have to earn the approval of Hong Kong people to achieve it.

It will not do to simply regard the NPCSC's decision as a defeat to which the only response can be desperate last-ditch resistance. It should be regarded as the basis for considered thought regarding the next steps.

First, make sure the next steps have the broadest possible support base. Outright rejection of current proposals will not only fail to impress Beijing - it will also fail to impress the moderate majority of Hongkongers. Find a few issues on which there is genuine strong concern, and campaign on those issues, ensuring that no candidate for Chief Executive will be able to afford to ignore these issues when standing for election. There are plenty of such issues which do not transcend the boundaries of "One Country, Two Systems".

Finally, choose your battleground and your timing carefully. Nothing will be achieved by a great outburst of passion which goes off at half-cock and then disappears in a puff of smoke, requiring yet another tactical and strategic rethink.

Serious political campaigning may well require sacrifices - make sure these sacrifices are for an identifiable cause and an achievable aim. Don't waste enthusiasm and endanger your own and Hong Kong's future for an impossible dream.

The author is a former UK diplomat specializing in China. He spent nine years as an analyst in Beijing. He now works as a freelance writer and commentator.

(HK Edition 09/26/2014 page10)

主站蜘蛛池模板: 日韩美毛片 | 女人张开腿让男人操 | 亚洲乱人伦精品图片 | 台湾三级香港三级经典三在线 | 国产亚洲欧美在线视频 | 91av视频在线 | 日本三级中文字幕 | 欧美一级在线 | 女人扒开腿让男人捅啪啪 | 99爱在线精品视频免费观看9 | 国产日本韩国 | 欧美一做特黄毛片 | 一级黄免费 | 午夜免费成人 | 国产精品嘿咻嘿咻在线播放 | 综合精品视频 | 亚洲国产另类久久久精品小说 | 成人99国产精品一级毛片 | 国产香蕉成人综合精品视频 | www.九九| 欧美aaa性bbb毛片 | 毛片激情永久免费 | 网站午夜| 国产三级精品在线观看 | 91久久国产口精品久久久久 | 色拍拍噜噜噜aⅴ在线观看 色青青草原桃花久久综合 色婷婷91 | 欧美精品人爱a欧美精品 | 九九香蕉| 中文偷拍视频在线观看 | 男人的天堂免费网站 | 日本免费一区视频 | 三级毛片免费看 | 在线免费公开视频 | 久草视频精品在线 | 国产一区二区三区四区在线 | 91九色精品国产 | 精品国产日韩久久亚洲 | 黄色片亚洲 | 91精品国产免费 | 亚洲毛片免费看 | 女bbbbxxxx毛片视频0 |