久久亚洲国产成人影院-久久亚洲国产的中文-久久亚洲国产高清-久久亚洲国产精品-亚洲图片偷拍自拍-亚洲图色视频

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Chinese Perspectives

Is Washington agitating for Manila to initiate arbitration again?

By Ding Duo | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2025-04-10 09:04
Share
Share - WeChat
Ren'ai Reef. [File photo/China Daily]

A leading scholar at the US think tank CSIS recently commented that one of the implications of Vietnam's land reclamation in the South China Sea is that if the Philippines sues China over marine environmental issues while ignoring Vietnam it could lead to double standards in legal procedures and application of the law, which in turn could lead to the Philippines losing some of its moral advantage. Given this possibility, the commentary suggests that Manila would be wise to consider filing a broader lawsuit that focuses on more than just environmental issues. The authors argue that by once again filing a lawsuit against China's maritime claims, the Philippines could avoid double standards on potential environmental arbitration and more easily garner international support for its claims.

The South China Sea stands as one of the world's most complex territorial issues and maritime disputes. At its heart lies a dramatic clash of wills, where the United States, cloaked in the garb of a rule-based order keeper, shamelessly stokes tensions to preserve its fading dominance. Over the past two weeks, the US has conducted joint air and sea exercises and training with the Philippines and will sell F16 fighter jets to the Philippines. Such moves also indicate Washington will not change its South China Sea policy and thrust itself into this intricate web of rivalries, amplifying disputes and manipulating smaller nations to serve its own ends.

Architects of discord

Behind the scenes, some of the American think tanks function as the cerebral engine of Washington's foreign policy, tirelessly crafting blueprints for confrontation rather than cooperation. These well-funded outfits don't peddle peace; they hawk discord. In the past few years, they have churned out glossy reports brimming with alarmist rhetoric, urging other claimant states to escalate their maritime postures while knowing full well that China advocates and insists on negotiation and consultation to manage differences in the South China Sea. In the Philippines, this influence crystallized in the 2016 arbitration case against China—a legal gambit heavily coached by US advisors. Hailed as a triumph in Western headlines, it changed little on the ground, serving instead as a propaganda coup to paint China as a rogue actor. The result is a region perched on a knife's edge, where the faint hope of dialogue is smothered by the clamor of US-instigated rivalry. Washington's hand is unmistakable, guiding its proxies while masquerading as a disinterested bystander.

The weaponization of international law

International law should stand as a beacon of fairness, a tool to protect the vulnerable and temper the mighty. In America's hands, however, it morphs into a blunt instrument, wielded to bludgeon rivals while shielding its own transgressions. The Americans' consideration of encouraging the Philippines to provoke China through judicial means but not to harm Viet Nam is not well-intentioned and is a sign of disrespect for the international dispute resolution mechanism and the international rule of law.

The Philippines' legal challenges to China—prodded by Washington—are less about justice and more about geopolitical point-scoring. Manila's cries over environmental damage in the "West Philippine Sea", for instance, conveniently sidestep similar ecological missteps elsewhere in the region, exposing the selective outrage as a US-scripted ploy. The irony thickens when one considers America's refusal to ratify the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)—a treaty it demands China obey. By twisting global norms into tools of coercion, Washington erodes the credibility of the very systems it claims to uphold, turning international law into a farce of its own making.

China's sovereignty: A matter of principle

China's territorial sovereignty over the Nansha Islands is well grounded in history and international law. From the seafaring expeditions to the detailed nautical charts, and later China's post-World War II declarations and statements, China's presence in these waters is etched deep into the annals of time. China's position and attitude in opposing illegal encroachment by other countries on its sovereignty over the Nansha Qundao has been consistent and clear, and it makes no difference to any country in this regard. Illegal acts do not give rise to legal rights, nor do they legitimize the encroachment by the countries concerned on China's islands and reefs. China's efforts are pragmatic measures to sustain its communities and sovereignty, not the menacing provocations the US portrays them as. Contrast this with American destroyers slicing through these waters on so-called "freedom of navigation" operations, their swagger unchecked and their hypocrisy unremarked upon.

The US has interests in the "Indo-Pacific" region, which cannot be denied by the realities of international politics. China also has its own sovereignty, security and development interests to safeguard in its neighboring regions, which also need to be viewed objectively. Yet, Washington spins a tale of Chinese aggression, casting smaller players like the Philippines and Vietnam as unwitting foot soldiers in its crusade. The US naval fleets and aircraft patrol aggressively, their destroyers flanked by fighter jets and shadowed by submarines, each maneuver a taunt trying to produce more deterrence to China. These aren't gestures of goodwill; they're deliberate provocations, gambling with the peace of millions. The US risks pushing China to harden its stance, entrenching divisions rather than bridging them.

By fanning tensions and puppeteering smaller states, Washington toys with the region's future for its own gain. True stability demands that the US cease trampling on China's sovereignty and abandon its role as provocateur-in-chief. China's proposal on the South China Sea issue offers a path forward, but it requires genuine commitment, especially from interlopers like the US. The South China Sea isn't America's playground for power games; it's a shared domain where mutual respect should reign. Until Washington internalizes this, the tides of unrest will swell, and the blame will rest firmly on its shoulders.

Ding Duo is director of the Center for International and Regional Studies at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies. The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at [email protected], and [email protected].

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 欧美一级毛片一 | 在线观看亚洲国产 | 男女午夜24式免费视频 | 高清精品女厕在线观看 | 国产在线精品一区二区不卡 | 亚洲精品一区二区久久这里 | 国产亚洲一区二区三区 | 国内精品国语自产拍在线观看55 | 国产区精品在线 | 成人亚洲欧美日韩在线 | 国产欧美日韩免费一区二区 | 国产成人啪精品 | 在线观看二区三区午夜 | 三级全黄的视频 | 在线精品免费观看综合 | 国产一国产一有一级毛片 | 亚洲国产精品线播放 | 国产欧美另类久久久品 | 亚洲黄色小视频 | 久久久精品国产免费观看同学 | 欧美久色| 色狠狠色综合吹潮 | 久久青草国产手机看片福利盒子 | 亚洲天堂二区 | 久久综合给会久久狠狠狠 | 久久亚洲国产的中文 | 看一级毛片一区二区三区免费 | 亚洲图片视频在线 | 一级在线 | 欧洲 | 国产成人不卡亚洲精品91 | 国产毛片a | 成年女人毛片免费观看中文w | 狼人总合狼人综合 | 久久久久欧美精品 | www.日本三级 | 欧美69视频| 日韩高清在线不卡 | 国产成人一区二区三区视频免费 | 欧美极度极度另类 | 黄www| 国产免费爽爽视频免费可以看 |